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Glad you said something, because more and more I've withdrawn from talking politics and gotten into talking about art stuff more and more. And it's not because I'm really valuing art more, it's just that I like discussion and art seems to be one of the areas that's still okay to be individualized.
Man do I feel your pain. I hate talking politics most of the time now. People who's political opinion I respected voted for this clown. It's rough. Always feels like we couldn't be more divided, but somehow we manage to.
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Also, more generally, not all liberals oppose simplifying the tax code:

http://www.nytimes.com/2012/09/30/bu...-solution.html

For this discussion, let’s define a household as rich if its income exceeds $1 million a year. In fact, my plan applies only to the income such households earn above that threshold. And I can state my idea in just one sentence: All income above $1 million a year for a household will be taxed at 28 percent. There are no deductions, and all income, including capital gains and dividends, is included. President Reagan favored something like this approach. His 1986 tax plan also taxed dividends and capital gains at the same 28 percent rate, as would the Bowles-Simpson proposal.

While we’re at it, let’s make the corporate tax rate 28 percent, too, because our current rate is high by international standards. Oh, and the estate tax exemption? On amounts above $3.5 million for individuals, the rate would be, of course, 28 percent.
By establishing the same marginal rate on all income sources, the incentives disappear for shifting from one source of income to another. Although there is much discussion about how taxes affect people’s willingness to work, most people don’t have much flexibility about how many hours they’re employed. For the rich, however, it can be relatively easy to switch income from a highly taxed category to one that is taxed at a lower rate. One reason that Mitt Romney’s taxes have been so low — he paid an effective federal income tax rate of only 14 percent in the two years for which he has disclosed his returns — is that venture capitalists have figured out a legal way for the incentive fees they receive to be treated as capital gains income, currently taxed at a rate of only 15 percent.
TLDR- Lower taxes on highest bracket, compress tax brackets generally, remove many deductions and shelters.

And I think this is a good idea, even though it was partially inspired by Reagan, whom I consider to be held in FAR too kind a historical light.

Changing the tax code language around deductions and shelter mechanisms can change the volume of taxes an insane amount. To the point where it outweighs hikes or cuts of even 5-10% of the nominal rates.

We have an environment where we can say things like "well we raised taxes on the wealthiest by 7%" but they could still pay less through deductions or intended tax shelters. Honestly, that's not fair to people making a choice because they shouldn't have to know all that stuff.

Wish there were more numerous or at least more frequently used and respected third party resources that boiled tax reforms down to redistributed dollars. (If I missed one let me know, CBO seems as close as it gets? Dunno if people care enough for that to supplant the nominal changes).



Also, more generally, not all liberals oppose simplifying the tax code:

http://www.nytimes.com/2012/09/30/bu...-solution.html

TLDR- Lower taxes on highest bracket, compress tax brackets generally, remove many deductions and shelters.

And I think this is a good idea, even though it was partially inspired by Reagan, whom I consider to be held in FAR too kind a historical light.

Changing the tax code language around deductions and shelter mechanisms can change the volume of taxes an insane amount. To the point where it outweighs hikes or cuts of even 5-10% of the nominal rates.

We have an environment where we can say things like "well we raised taxes on the wealthiest by 7%" but they could still pay less through deductions or intended tax shelters. Honestly, that's not fair to people making a choice because they shouldn't have to know all that stuff.

Wish there were more numerous or at least more frequently used and respected third party resources that boiled tax reforms down to redistributed dollars. (If I missed one let me know, CBO seems as close as it gets? Dunno if people care enough for that to supplant the nominal changes).
Frankly this would be the kind of thing I could get behind. Maybe it is just because my simple mind can handle the logic of this type of plan so easily. If that's the case so be it.

The only thing that bothers me is the estate tax. It will never ever effect me so it doesn't matter a lick but it bothers me soooo much. I just don't see how anyone can not see this as double dipping and the logic behind taxing inheritance is beyond me.



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True. But I do want to say that line 1 gets close-ish to the point for some people though:

[Republican] would prefer the rich have (keep) more money!

(Because she thinks it's better for the economy, or because it's "just fair" that they keep what they earn, or even she's paid off by big business, the goal is the same)
Sure, but the objection is not that line 1 is wrong, just that it's incomplete in a way that's misleading. If you come at me with an axe and I punch you, saying "he punched me" is technically true, but doesn't give an accurate accounting of the situation. "Cut taxes for the rich" can be technically true, but still a misrepresentation of the policy if the policy is "everyone gets a tax cut."

I've talked around here before that I'd rather Dems actually fight for the real reasons that redistribution is good (that it's 'better for the economy' as vague as that is, root watering vs trickle down and all that) rather than arguments that resemble resentment because I actually think the base reasons are REALLY GOOD and it's sad that they (sometimes) put out bad reasons because those arguments will move more feet (in the short term).
But on the flip side, Reps have to own that they think that money is better suited in the hands of the rich (either because they are the proper class for wealth, because they are the ones that 'most earned' it [often dubious to me], or some other reason).
Agree on both counts. Always frustrating to hear someone say something that is phrased like an argument when it's really a base-directed appeal. Good arguments involved shared premises, so if a Democrat says "fair share" and a Republican says "they earned it," that may be true or false, but it isn't coming from a shared premise, and therefore it is disingenuous to phrase it as an argument, because it's really a statement.

Part of the 'problem' is that there are legitimately people who don't care about the base arguments. Even if they were presented with competing ideas about redistribution causes X amount of economic growth (and they might know most of it anyway) it won't matter, they don't want the rich to have more money, they don't want to lose their money. And honestly, those people still get to weigh in, and still deserve to be discussed with, even if all they care about is the 'surface level'.
Right, for a lot of people it's axiomatic principles about wealth (if we're being charitable), or pure virtue signaling (if we're not). And that's not going to change. What can change is how much time we waste arguing about axioms relative to arguing over the actual shared premise of wanting to reduce poverty. That shifts the topic onto somewhat more empirical ground, at least. It also has the side effect of making the argument about means rather than goals, which tends to be a lot harder to vilify someone over.



Sure, but the objection is not that line 1 is wrong, just that it's incomplete in a way that's misleading. If you come at me with an axe and I punch you, saying "he punched me" is technically true, but doesn't give an accurate accounting of the situation. "Cut taxes for the rich" can be technically true, but still a misrepresentation of the policy if the policy is "everyone gets a tax cut."
I agree, but I also think that it's not incomplete for some people. I think that it is, but I also think that some of them aren't being dishonest, some of them actually only care as far as that.

Also, I sorta wanted to balance out the criticism, without resorting to whataboutism (the hot re-brand of "tu quoque"); so acknowledge that it's a failure but ask for acknowledgement the other direction.

I probably would have made that more clear by saying, yes, that's a rhetorical failing. But also when we justify tax cuts for the wealthy as "stimulating the economy" there has to be a follow up argument that we're not just stimulating the rich (or god forbid, the rich stimulating themselves) and the high tide is actually coming for all boats.

It flows into another issue of mine; that the common understanding of the economy is a "cycle" but we absolutely don't treat it that way in our arguments.

Here's (a generalized version) of what I mean:

  • GOP X says tax cuts raises the profits of business, businesses increase investments, which increase wages to workers, which the workers put into the economy, which gives money to businesses, which repeats the cycle.
  • DEM Y says redistribution raises workers wages, workers purchase goods and services, which gives money to businesses, which leads to businesses increasing investments, which raises worker wages, which repeats the cycle.
If the economy actually resembled this cycle, then we could either give a TON of money to workers or a TON of money to businesses and the result 10 years down the line is the same. We wouldn't need to fight about it.


But, that's because the economy does not work like this cycle. We do argue because there's not this even give and take between workers and businesses. Funds can be spent more or less productively than other funds, we do care about where the money starts because it will drastically change where it ends.


But for some reason, a ton of people still argue that there's this perfect give and take between businesses and workers, but then intensely care about which side goes first? I think they need to check their model then.

It's always struck me as dishonest that some on opposite sides will basically have the same model of the flow of money in an economy, where business and workers give and take, but then declare it's incredibly important their side starts (even though it wouldn't matter to them in a year). If that were true, then the arguments would resemble two people evenly balanced on a see-saw yelling that it's drastically important that the other push first. Which is what some people see, and then they think that it's just politicians being petty (and they appear that way, when they use bad arguments).


(Sorry for the tangent)


Always frustrating to hear someone say something that is phrased like an argument when it's really a base-directed appeal. Good arguments involved shared premises, so if a Democrat says "fair share" and a Republican says "they earned it," that may be true or false, but it isn't coming from a shared premise, and therefore it is disingenuous to phrase it as an argument, because it's really a statement.
Agree with this without reservation or qualification.

People would intuitively recognize this if someone said there was two sides to the abortion "Pro-Choice or Anti-Choice" or they said "Pro-Life or Anti-Life", but when it comes to less 'branded' arguments somehow equivocating on this stuff gets a pass?



I agree, but I also think that it's not incomplete for some people. I think that it is, but I also think that some of them aren't being dishonest, some of them actually only care as far as that.
This is certainly true, but I think the act of posting about it publicly and inviting a mixed group of people to share in your outrage strongly implies that your description of the situation is effectively neutral.

Now, if I say "that's misleading" and they're willing to come out and say "not to me, because I literally don't care about anything else," that's fine. I think that's pretty myopic, but if they're willing to acknowledge that their description is deliberately omitting details and is not a non-partisan description of the policy, then I'm content.

  • GOP X says tax cuts raises the profits of business, businesses increase investments, which increase wages to workers, which the workers put into the economy, which gives money to businesses, which repeats the cycle.
  • DEM Y says redistribution raises workers wages, workers purchase goods and services, which gives money to businesses, which leads to businesses increasing investments, which raises worker wages, which repeats the cycle.
If the economy actually resembled this cycle, then we could either give a TON of money to workers or a TON of money to businesses and the result 10 years down the line is the same. We wouldn't need to fight about it.

But, that's because the economy does not work like this cycle. We do argue because there's not this even give and take between workers and businesses. Funds can be spent more or less productively than other funds, we do care about where the money starts because it will drastically change where it ends.

But for some reason, a ton of people still argue that there's this perfect give and take between businesses and workers, but then intensely care about which side goes first? I think they need to check their model then.

It's always struck me as dishonest that some on opposite sides will basically have the same model of the flow of money in an economy, where business and workers give and take, but then declare it's incredibly important their side starts (even though it wouldn't matter to them in a year). If that were true, then the arguments would resemble two people evenly balanced on a see-saw yelling that it's drastically important that the other push first. Which is what some people see, and then they think that it's just politicians being petty (and they appear that way, when they use bad arguments).
Yeah, agree completely. Any coherent economic worldview effectively needs to take a side here. And for my part, I'll come right out and say that I think the business/investment side matters more, and in supply and demand, supply is the hard part.

(Sorry for the tangent)
Not at all. It's a good way to put it that hadn't occurred to me before.

Agree with this without reservation or qualification.

People would intuitively recognize this if someone said there was two sides to the abortion "Pro-Choice or Anti-Choice" or they said "Pro-Life or Anti-Life", but when it comes to less 'branded' arguments somehow equivocating on this stuff gets a pass?
Yeah, I almost included an example, and it was very nearly exactly this. I'm pretty fed up with people trying to dunk on their ideological opponents by rephrasing their arguments back to them in ways they wouldn't agree with. Anybody can do that. A good argument is one that applies even if you adopt their viewpoint.



Addendum to that last paragraph: I wonder how many people here could pass an Ideological Turing Test. For those who don't know, that means demonstrating an ability to explain an opposing viewpoint in a way that an actual believer in that viewpoint would consider accurate/representative of their beliefs.

I've argued with some people on here that are clearly smart, and clearly articulate, that I strongly suspect would be terrible at this. It's not always evident at first (because of the aforementioned smarts/articulateness), but it's not uncommon to run into someone who's really good at saying what it is they believe, but pretty much at a loss if you try to extend the discussion past that opening statement.



Addendum to that last paragraph: I wonder how many people here could pass an Ideological Turing Test. For those who don't know, that means demonstrating an ability to explain an opposing viewpoint in a way that an actual believer in that viewpoint would consider accurate/representative of their beliefs.
But for that believer would need to fit some viewpoint like a glove and most people are not like that. They don't fit into a "believer of a viewpoint". Among people I know I can think of only a couple who could fit an ideological glove.



I probably would have made that more clear by saying, yes, that's a rhetorical failing. But also when we justify tax cuts for the wealthy as "stimulating the economy" there has to be a follow up argument that we're not just stimulating the rich (or god forbid, the rich stimulating themselves) and the high tide is actually coming for all boats.

It flows into another issue of mine; that the common understanding of the economy is a "cycle" but we absolutely don't treat it that way in our arguments.

Here's (a generalized version) of what I mean:

  • GOP X says tax cuts raises the profits of business, businesses increase investments, which increase wages to workers, which the workers put into the economy, which gives money to businesses, which repeats the cycle.
  • DEM Y says redistribution raises workers wages, workers purchase goods and services, which gives money to businesses, which leads to businesses increasing investments, which raises worker wages, which repeats the cycle.
If the economy actually resembled this cycle, then we could either give a TON of money to workers or a TON of money to businesses and the result 10 years down the line is the same. We wouldn't need to fight about it.


But, that's because the economy does not work like this cycle. We do argue because there's not this even give and take between workers and businesses. Funds can be spent more or less productively than other funds, we do care about where the money starts because it will drastically change where it ends.
I am a professional economist by the way and nobody in the economics profession believes that "cycle" thinguie you posted. Economists agree that a tax reform that cuts corporate taxes will have a positive effect on growth because it will increase the incentives for entrepreneurial activity. However, since they are not decreasing expenditures there is a problem that government finances will be strained and that can disrupt the financial system, hence hurting growth.

The degree of inequality will also increase since entrepreneurial profits will be less heavily taxed. Most of the opposition to the reform is on that aspect.

Also, college students and graduate students will be heavily punished by the reform and hence the accumulation of human capital will slow down. Reducing growth.



I never noticed before how discordant Trump’s signature is.

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Also, I'm pretty sure Reagan went ahead and cut taxes for the wealthy... then those rich cronies moved their jobs overseas.

I wonder how much jobs that Dakota Access Pipeline will produce.



The President is in my home town today and about to speak.

I am honestly torn about a few things, but so glad about the support for Israel.
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Let's just skip to the end of this one, since every argument about taxes goes the same way:

1. [Republican] wants to cut taxes for the rich!
2. They're cutting them for everyone.
3. But they're getting cut more for the rich.
4. Because they pay more to begin with, so even an "even" tax cut in terms of rate nominally cuts theirs more.

Obviously, people can argue that the rich should not get the same rate cut as everyone else, if they want, but that should be stated upfront. Line #1, by itself, isn't an honest representation of the policy or the debate surrounding it.
Strongly agree.

I'd rather Dems actually fight for the real reasons that redistribution is good
Everyone should be entitled to the product of their labor. I have difficulty considering any tax on income, payroll, sales, gifts, inheritance, or luxury goods to be anything short of stealing people's hard work for the sake of the "greater good".


Before people decide to tax certain behaviors they should first justify on what grounds those behaviors deserve to be punished. In my experience, this socialist meme where rich people should be taxed more invariably comes down to two reasons:

1.) Rich people are implicitly evil because no one can become wealthy honestly.

2.) Rich people have more money, therefor we should discriminate against financial success.

The first is a hasty generalization and the second is un-meritocratic.
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